A democratic dream: the re-establishment of the Hungarian Bolyai University in Transylvania

by Olivér- Tamás  Kiss, Hungarian journalist from Cluj, Romania. Dated: August 1998.

Right after the so-called revolution which took place in Romania in December 1989, the Hungarian minority, representing 7.1% of the population (around 2 million citizens) expressed the desire to re-establish the Hungarian “Bolyai” University. Although the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (DAHR) is member of the ruling coalition from November 1996, the re-establishment of the institution is still not accomplished. Why?

Introduction

The public debate about the re-opening of the Hungarian “Bolyai” University (closed by the communists in 1959 after the anti-Communist revolution that took place in Budapest in 1956) started in January 1997 after a group of sociologists presented an opinion poll showing that Hungarian students from the Hungarian-Romanian language multicultural “Babes-Bolyai” University do not want the re-establishement of the Hungarian institution. The survey has been heavily criticized by professionals and important public figures alike. The Hungarian Student Union of Cluj-Napoca/Kolozsvár/Klausenburg (its main goal is the re-establishment of the Hungarian Univeristy) has created it's own Bolyai group and started to fight for the independent institution.

Strategy devides Hungarians

In the same time many Hungarian NGOs and cultural assotiations have expressed concern about the intention of the sociologist group, shared by the DAHR, to establish only some independent sections within the multicultural university and not a separate institution. The Hungarian community in Transylvania was devided into two groups.
Students said the first steps should be taken on political level by the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (DAHR), as member of the ruling coalition. Once the juridical background is created, the rest of the plan to re-establish the university can easily be acomplished. The DAHR replied that the government programme includes the lifting of the prohibitions concerning mother tongue education, so it’s only a matter of time till the university is re-established.
The DAHR proved to be wrong. The coalition partners were reluctant in going on with what they have promised and what was included in the executive’s programme. The government’s emergency ordinance changing the Law on Education hasn't been voted by House of Representatives yet, so the re-establishment of the Hungarian “Bolyai University” is still not possible.
Some groups within the DAHR suggested that if this demand is not fullfilled by the coalition partners, the Hungarian Party should leave the coalition. The reply from the DAHR leaders has always been that we have to wait till the emergency ordinance changing the Law on Education is fully rejected both by the Senate and the House of Deputies.

The opposing Romanian politicians and university professors

In March 1997 now former Prime-Minister Victor Ciorbea announced that the Hungarians’ demand to have their own institutes of higher education was legitimate and in line with European norms. But the re-opening of the Hungarian Bolyai University in Cluj-Napoca/Kolozsvár/Klausenburg would depend on the decision of the opposed autonomous faculty senate.
On March 12, 1997 the Rector of the Babes-Bolyai University in Cluj/Kolozsvár called a "crisis meeting" of the institution's committee following Romanian Prime Minister Victor Ciorbea's pronouncement in Budapest that the coalition partners agree on a two-step process for restoring an independent Hungarian University in the city: the creation of a separate Hungarian section within the existing structure, to be followed by full independence at a later time. [Magyar Nemzet (Budapest), March 13, 1997]
The Law on Education prohibiting mother tongue education at all levels has been changed by the Governments emergency ordinance no. 36, but it did not pass in the Senate. Therefore on December 9, 1997 the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania ministers have suspended participation in the government after a large majority of the Senate voted for Romanian-language instruction of history and geography in all Hungarian-schools and prevented the restoration of a minority-language university despite a previously adopted government decree allowing broad minority-language education rights. DAHR President Béla Markó stated that the coalition partners have broken their commitments by changing other minority-related clauses as well, which they had guaranteed in an agreement last week signed by the presidents of all four coalition partners: Ion Diaconescu, Christian Democratic National Peasants Party, Petre Roman, Democratic Party, Mircea Ionescu Quintus, National Liberal Party, and Béla Markó. "DAHR cannot accept an alliance in which agreements and compromise solutions are not respected," said the President, showing the agreement to the press. [Szabadság (Cluj/Kolozsvár), Dec. 10, 1997]
On July 13 1998, thirty-five members of the Romanian Parliament addressed a letter to Prime Minister Radu Vasile declaring their opposition to the request of 163 Hungarian professors and staff of the Babes-Bolyai University that six Hungarian-language departments be established there until the independent Hungarian university becomes a reality. The reason given for opposing this request is once more the view of certain members of Parliament that the Hungarians are demanding ethnic separatism. The Cluj/Kolozs county branch of the Romanian Social Democratic Party (RTDP) is also vehemently opposed to this measure. According to county representative Grigore Zanc, who accused the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Rumania of exercising a dictatorship over ethnic Hungarians. Zanc added, "it is the duty of all political power to bring about a decision that will put an end to the efforts of Hungarians to destabilise the country and poison ethnic relations." [Szabadság (Cluj/Kolozsvár), Jul.13, 1998]

Not respecting the promises

The main ruling party, the Christian Democratic National Peasants Party desperately tried to fulfil its promises to allow mother tongue education on all levels. Therefore, on February 13, 1998 as reported by Medifax press agency, the leadership of Christian Democratic National Peasant Party has disciplined its fellow member, Chairman of the Senate Education Committee Senator George Pruteanu for publicly advocating views that are not in accord with the party’s standpoint on minority education. Even though Pruteanu had demanded severe minority-related restrictions to a government decree amending the Education Law, winning Senate approval last December, he has retained his position as the head of the Senate Education Committee. Concerning the debate in the Chamber of Deputies over removal of restrictions on minority educational rights, Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania representative in the Chamber of Deputies Education Committee Ferenc Asztalos stated that his party and the Peasant Party have agreed to postpone it until February 27, 1998. However, as National newspaper reported recently, the Senate Committee on Local Public Administration is ready to adopt discriminatory provisions to a government decree, which would only allow communities that are at minimum 30 percent minority-inhabited to post bilingual signs. The Government Decree (No. 22/1997) in effect requires a 20 percent minority population for the placement of bilingual signs. [Szabadság (Cluj/Kolozsvár), Feb. 13, 1998]

Will the university be re-established after all?

On July 6, 1998 Education Ministry Secretary of Minority Affairs József Kötô declared that, in the light of the recent arguments within the coalition over the reestablishment of the Hungarian-language university in Cluj/Kolozsvár, he does not see the need for his position because he does not think it likely that a council will be established to organise the independent university. While the Education Ministry continues to speak of multiculturalism as realised in the Babes-Bolyai University (and as opposed to an independent Hungarian university), Kötô pointed out that currently true multiculturalism does not exist in Babes-Bolyai either, for the Romanian majority in the university senate does not allow independent groups within their ranks, and there is no Hungarian-language instruction in many important subject areas. He called the situation anti-democratic because the majority is attempting to dictate to the minority what is good for them. In conclusion, Kötô emphasised that he accepted his position because he wanted to bring the coalition’s program to fruition, but he feels he is representing only the viewpoint of the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Rumania and is receiving support from neither the Education Ministry nor the coalition partners. Kötô is not very optimistic about the reestablishment of the university under these circumstances. [Szabadság (Cluj/Kolozsvár), Jul. 6, 1998]
The re-establishemnt of the Hungarian Bolyai University is vital for the Hungarian minority in Romania. Still, the majority of the Romanians heavily opose this democratic demand. Especially after the open minded Prime Minister Victor Ciorbea has resigned in March 1998, coalition partners are more and more reluctant (or not willing) to talk about the issue. The DAHR has warned that if the emergency ordinance changing the Law on Education will not pass in the Parliament it would leave the coalition. Still, the DAHR is a ruling party in Romania.
The big question is whether after all these failures the Hungarian Party should stay in power or leave the Government. Many say that after two and a half years in power there are almost no results: the Law on Education is not changed, the Hungarian University is not established, the Law on Local Self-government has not passed in the Parliament, Hungarian pupils have to learn history and geography in Romanian, illegaly confiscated church property were only partially given back, etc.
Many say that leaving the coalition would mean suicide for the Hungarian Party. They claim that Hungarians can better fight for their rights from inside the Government rather than form outside. If the DAHR left the coalition, it would mean to work together with the extreme nationalists, former communists who form the opposition. Still, collaborating with those Romanian parties which don't understand to respect their promises seems to be a too big compromise.
Comments? Contact the author, Oliver Kiss.
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Last modifications: 27-8-1998